Tajikistan and Afghanistan: Budding Relations
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Mansi Mehrotra
The River Panj (Pyanj) forms a natural border between Afghanistan and Tajikistan. Afghanistan is ethnically close to Tajikistan with substantial Tajik population residing in Afghanistan. History has shown that an unstable Afghanistan has acted as a springboard for civil and political instability and committing armed sabotage in Tajikistan.
The geo-strategic importance of Tajikistan and Afghanistan can be traced in the history where the 'Great Game' was played between Russia and British India in the region in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Basmachi revolt (1924-1928) [according to Ahmed Rashid Basmachi* was "known as the movement of the ‘bek’, freeman peasants and tribal guerrilla forces …… associated with nationalism and Islam as was the term ‘Mujahedeen’ used by the Afghan rebels fifty years later"], was reportedly supported by Afghanistan and British India. It was from their base in Afghanistan that the Basmachis carried out their attacks and took control of many regions of Tajikistan, particularly in Gorno-Badakhshan region.
History was repeated in post-Soviet disintegration. With the fall of Tajikistan's (short-term) Islamic-Democratic coalition government in November 1992, Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) took refuge in Afghanistan due to Tajik President Imomali Rahmon’s offensive policies against the members of the Tajik opposition political parties. During the civil war, the opposition forces started operating from Afghanistan.
From Afghanistan, the Tajik Islamist opposition launched several attacks on Tajik government forces and Russian Border Forces with the help of foreign mercenaries. Sangak Safarov, militia leader of Popular Front and the man who brought Rahmon to power in 1992, stated in February 1993, that "around 70 'foreign mercenaries' were captured by the government forces during the Tajik conflict that included Afghan mujahedeen, people from the Caucasus, and a number of African students." These foreign mercenaries were not only involved in killing and hostage-taking of Russian Border troops but also provided transport and air cover to the Islamist opposition fighters.
From their bases in Afghanistan, Tajik opposition used Taloqan, the area controlled by Ahmad Shah Masood, military leader of the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan, as political headquarters of the IRPT. Another base in Kunduz was reportedly used by foreign Arab militants for conducting programs related to ideological, religious and probably military training.
There were many incidences where Tajikistan's special services intercepted and got hold of coded messages from opposition in Afghanistan recommending that terrorist acts against the Tajik leadership be stepped up. There was continuous information and regular incidences about the secretly piled arms and ammunition's that were hidden in the mountainous area on the Tajik-Afghan border, and that mujahedeen were hiding in almost inaccessible mountain area of Qarategin of Tajikistan. There were also many anti-government guerrilla groups that were known to be operating in a number of inaccessible parts of the Pamirs, in particular in the Tavildara and Darwaz districts. At the same time it should be noted that these groups were relatively small and many of these groups did not have the support of the local population.
It was reported on 8 December 1992, that three Afghan Air Force helicopters crossed the border and landed in the village of Ayvadz, in Tajikistan, where they left a 50 to 60-strong armed battalion to support the Islamist fighters against the Russian and the pro-government forces.
When Taliban took over Afghanistan, Masood took refuge in Tajik territory. According to Nezavisimaya Gazeta, the existence of Masood's aircraft in the area was also confirmed by a US diplomat in Tajikistan. The newspaper also said that "The Kulab public is openly voicing fears that the Taliban could start bombing the city, since the servicemen of their enemy are deployed there" (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 1997).
It is widely believed that after Taliban came to power in Afghanistan, IRPT closed its bases there. IRPT adopted a neutral stand towards Taliban as their people were still in the conflict zone in Afghanistan.
There were reports that claimed that Islamic opposition might align with Taliban movement to continue their fight against the government as the Islamists came under pressure from Iran and the Northern Alliance to reconcile with Tajik government due to their own fears against the Taliban movement. But according to Olivier Roy, there were some important issues that would have prevented them to be close to the movement due to exclusion of Tajik or Uzbek ethnic community from the movement. Secondly, the radical approach, although would have appealed individual leaders among Tajik Islamists, such movement would not be accepted in a comparatively secular and moderate Tajik society.
Since Afghanistan shares long and close border with Tajikistan, it gave the Islamic opposition an opportunity to manoeuvre Tajik crisis. The partnership between the opposition and the Afghan mujahedeen helped in easy cross-border narcotic and arms trade. In addition, close interaction with the mujahedeen resulted in a resurgence of an extreme Islam amongst the Tajiks of Tajikistan, thus facilitating the gradual restoration of radical Islam and officially instituted political Islam in the region.
An unhinged Tajik-Afghan border required manifold international efforts to maintain order including development of civil and political society, peace, security and stability in Afghanistan. Tajik's Islamic identity unites them internationally with the Muslim brotherhood but nationally they remain divided on ethno-regional differences.
Apart from security concern, landlocked Tajikistan needs the assistance of Afghanistan to find transit routes to the ports of Iran facilitated by three bridges that are built on Tajik-Afghan border. In addition, Afghanistan can also provide transit to the export of electricity to South Asia and Iran.
Editor's Note:
Mansi Mehrotra is a PhD aspirant/student at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India.